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    Home » The Crisis Playbook: When Chaos Serves the Campaign
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    The Crisis Playbook: When Chaos Serves the Campaign

    Megan BurrowsBy Megan BurrowsJanuary 17, 2026No Comments6 Mins Read
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    Like many others, the press conference started with ministers dressed in dark suits, flags lined up, and a solemn yet assured tone. There was tension in the room. a fresh outbreak. a nationwide walkout. Three cities are without power. Nevertheless, the government appeared remarkably calm.

    The choreography of political response in times of crisis has a strikingly familiar feel. declarations of control. commitments to take action. frequent updates. A crisis is presented not only as a problem to be solved but also as an opportunity to show off authority in stark contrast.

    Key AspectDescription
    Core IdeaPoliticians may not cause crises—but they often benefit politically when one arises
    Common StrategiesEmergency powers, agenda-setting, public unity appeals, blame deflection
    Tactical BenefitsFaster decisions, heightened visibility, reframing failures as leadership moments
    Political RolesIncumbents show strength; opposition highlights flaws; extremists simplify complex issues
    Main RiskMishandling a crisis can destroy credibility and trigger lasting public backlash

    This pattern has been especially apparent in recent years. Crises, be they environmental, public health, or economic, do more than simply cause societies to become unstable. They alter the balance of power. Subtly, at times. Occasionally, simultaneously.

    Leaders frequently benefit from more than just airtime. The passage of emergency legislation happens remarkably quickly. “For the sake of the moment,” parliamentary procedures are halted or at the very least circumvented. The typical checks, which are slow, deliberate, and frequently annoying, are either softened or eliminated completely. And the public usually agrees for a brief period of time.

    Political scientists refer to this phenomenon as the “rally effect,” which describes how people naturally unite around leaders during uncertain times. Although it’s emotionally consistent, it’s not always logical. People prefer continuity when they are afraid. They want anyone to be in charge. At this point, strategy starts to take shape.

    Barack Obama’s response to Hurricane Sandy in 2012 received praise from both parties. Just before the election, his approval ratings, which had plateaued, rose once more. His opponent’s criticism of government spending stood in sharp contrast to this. Although Sandy wasn’t anticipated, it changed the political landscape.

    In a similar vein, leaders in Europe and Asia experienced previously unheard-of levels of support during the initial wave of the pandemic. Even historically unpopular presidents served as short-term stability pillars. Past failures were not erased by the crisis; rather, it made them more difficult to concentrate on.

    I recall seeing a minister who was normally embroiled in scandals show up every day with data charts and medical experts. Although he didn’t always provide clear explanations, his constant presence gave people a sense of control.

    In politics, that presence is frequently half the fight.

    However, there are repercussions. The same circumstances that give a leader greater latitude can eventually begin to undermine trust. People start to inquire. Why wasn’t this avoided? Who benefited from the mayhem? Why were some decisions made so hastily, without consultation or supervision?

    The leader’s early advantage can quickly reverse when these doubts surface. Criticism takes the place of confidence. The same microphone that provided comfort also serves as an accountability tool.

    However, many continue to move forward. Some leaders even wager that the crisis will determine their future.

    Researchers refer to this as “gambling for resurrection.” During a crisis, a leader with low approval ratings may act boldly and recklessly in the hopes of being redeemed by others for their perceived competence or bravery. It can be effective at times. It doesn’t most of the time.

    Framing is an additional layer to this.

    Political outcomes can be significantly influenced by the language used, who is held accountable, and how a crisis is characterized. A leader can divert attention by portraying a flood as “an act of God” or a recession as “an inherited burden.” When these stories are written well, they mask flaws and promote resiliency.

    Opposition parties also attempt to take advantage of the situation, but they encounter a different obstacle. It can backfire to criticize during a national emergency. Tone becomes crucial. They lose credibility if they come across as partisan or petty. They miss their moment if they hold back too much.

    Some succeed by providing different avenues for progress, such as more transparent planning, stronger protections, and clearer regulations. Some concentrate on local reactions, highlighting mayors or local authorities who performed better than the federal government. These stories spread, especially on social media, which is a common place for mistrust of federal leadership.

    Then there are the voices from the periphery.

    Political extremism thrives in times of crisis. Radical solutions seem more likely when systems seem flawed. Simple solutions to difficult issues suddenly make sense. Scapegoating gets more intense. Voters start looking for conviction, regardless of accuracy, because they are fed up with bureaucracy.

    This has happened on several continents. Promises of “safety” and “purity” are the foundation of far-right parties. Critiques of power hoarding and inequality help far-left organizations gain traction. Despite the differences in their philosophies, the crisis indicates that the status quo is ineffective.

    Over time, it becomes increasingly evident that while crisis management is always political, the crisis itself is not.

    Some governments take advantage of the opportunity to make investments in public infrastructure, address historical neglect, and implement reforms that were previously met with opposition. These leaders are frequently admired for a long time. Some choose the repressive route, restricting liberties, manipulating narratives, and stepping up surveillance “for public safety.”

    I was once told by a senior civil servant that a leader’s character is not altered by a crisis. It makes it clear.

    I remembered that line.

    since it discusses the long game of political leadership. Crises can bring about immediate benefits like visibility, control, and recognition, but they also sow the seeds of future condemnation. Years later, commissions, investigations, and retrospectives start to distinguish between what was self-serving and what was required.

    People keep in mind. Frequently emotionally, but not always precisely.

    Whether voters are now more aware of these tactics is the deeper question. People are starting to notice the pattern after years of listening to politicians speak calmly over breaking news banners.

    Furthermore, if they are, the next crisis might not go as planned. That alone would be a change worth mentioning.

    Because even though we might not be able to stop every crisis, we have the power to decide how we react—not just as legislators or the media, but also as a public that demands better use of these trying times. And the next generation of leadership is shaped by that decision, which happens gradually but decisively.

    Crisis as Strategy: Do Politicians Secretly Benefit When Things Go Wrong?
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    Megan Burrows
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    Political writer and commentator Megan Burrows is renowned for her keen insight, well-founded analysis, and talent for identifying the emotional undertones of British politics. Megan brings a unique combination of accuracy and compassion to her work, having worked in public affairs and policy research for ten years, with a background in strategic communications.

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